Catalunya extends access to Préstecs Emancipació up to age 40

The decline in home ownership among young people fuels the proposal for a universal basic income

In 2002, 66% of households headed by people under 35 owned their main home. In 2024, only 36% did. Among households headed by people over 64, the proportion reached 85% that same year.

In two decades, owning a home before the age of 35 has gone from being the norm to being the exception. Housing is the main way to accumulate wealth and widens the gap between those who inherit a flat and those who spend much of their salary on rent.

Loans now available up to age 40

In 2026, the Generalitat extended the maximum age for accessing Préstecs Emancipació to 40. These are zero-interest loans to cover the down payment on a first home. Until June of that year, the limit was 35; in other youth policies, the cut-off had been set at 30 or 25.

The extension reflects a trend towards later independence. Millennials have lived through two crises and a job market dominated by temporary contracts, while rising prices have made housing a privilege. Many have studied, worked, and saved as much as they could; some have even managed to get a permanent job.

Support measures ease part of the problem. In its first year, Préstecs Emancipació reached more than 2,000 people. Even so, access comes with several conditions: for some rent subsidies, you need to have a contract first, and the public loan covers up to 20% of the price of the flat, with a maximum of 50,000 euros. To finance the rest, you need a bank mortgage, which requires proven income and some stability. You also have to find a home at an affordable price.

The conversation about economic security is also linked to employment in Catalunya, a key part of the stability needed to plan for independence.

A social safety net designed for specific risks

Governments have responded with more support, more flexible requirements, and ever higher age limits. It's an understandable response, but it highlights the limitations of a system that often requires you to solve part of the problem before you can get help.

Twentieth-century social policies were organised around specific risks: losing your job, getting sick, growing old, or falling into poverty. Each benefit had its own requirements. That model was key to building contemporary European societies, but it fits less well when economic insecurity is no longer temporary.

The underlying debate is about the possibility of building a life with some predictability. The universal basic income proposed in the article would be a payment for every person, paid regularly and without conditions, with the aim of guaranteeing a minimum standard of living. It would not depend on losing your job or proving poverty. Nor would it require justifying who you live with or have age limits.

Having that economic floor could give people the freedom to turn down a bad job or an abusive rental. On its own, basic income would not create affordable housing or force banks to grant mortgages.

Funding would also have to change

Without public housing and rent regulation, some of the income could end up in the hands of landlords. The cost should not come from cuts to healthcare, education, or social services either.

The proposal requires a deep tax reform and greater redistribution of wealth. It also calls for stronger tax inspection and a tougher fight against fraud. The benefit would be universal; the funding, progressive, with a greater contribution from those who have more. Not everyone would gain in net terms: the aim would be to ensure no one falls below a minimum standard for a decent life.

The design would not be cheap or simple, and it's hard to imagine the necessary political majority today. Meanwhile, those born from the 1980s onwards have been told that all they needed to do to buy a flat was give up avocado toast or weekend trips around Europe. Many are approaching 40 and still receiving youth support to move out, an option the boomer generation could take much earlier.

The proposal is to expand the social contract consolidated by the previous generation with a universal guarantee of economic security: a benefit for everyone and funding in which those who have more contribute more.